NOT BY FIRE, BY THE BALLOT, NEXT TIME.I am always fascinated when white people, particularly white politicians, say what they really mean.
Hillary Clinton decided that she needed to minimize the role that
Martin Luther King Jr., and by extension African-Americans, played in securing their own civil rights.
Some one should tell Hillary that we have a National Holiday honoring the Reverend Doctor Martin Luther King and the civil rights heroes who used non-violent direct action to move America from apartheid to an open access society. I suppose she would do away with The
Martin Luther King National Holiday Day and replace it with a President Lyndon Johnson National Holiday since he was the Washington politician that she wants to credit with the success of the Civil Rights Movement.
She said "Dr. King's dream began to be realized when President Johnson passed the Civil Rights Act.
It took a president to get it done. The power of that dream became real in people's lives because we had a president capable of action."
Hillary would have us believe that it wasn't the courage of Martin Luther King and local Montgomery residents in 1960 standing up to legalized white supremacy in their hometown that began to change America, it was the white man.
Hillary would have us believe that it wasn't Rosa Parks who had had enough and refused to sit in the back of the bus that got things started, it was the white man.
In 1944, athletic star Jackie Robinson took a similar stand in a confrontation with a United States Army officer in Fort Hood, Texas, refusing to move to the back of a bus. Robinson was brought before a court-martial, which acquitted him. The NAACP had accepted and litigated other cases before, such as that of Irene Morgan ten years earlier, which resulted in a victory in the U.S. Supreme Court on Commerce Clause grounds. That victory, however, overturned state segregation laws only insofar as they applied to travel in interstate commerce, such as interstate bus travel. Black activists had begun to build a case around the arrest of a 15-year-old girl, Claudette Colvin, a student at Booker T. Washington High School in Montgomery. On March 2, 1955, Colvin was handcuffed, arrested and forcibly removed from a public bus when she refused to give up her seat to a white man. She claimed that her constitutional rights were being violated. At the time, Colvin was active in the NAACP's Youth Council, a group to which Rosa Parks served as Advisor.
Hillary would have us believe that it wasn't John Lewis and others facing down police dogs, billy clubs and tear gas in Montgomery and Selma, it was the white man.
Hillary would have us believe that it wasn't Fannie Lou Hamer telling the racist Democrats at the 1964 convention that Black people were sick and tired of being sick and tired, it was the white man.
She was instrumental in organizing Mississippi's "Freedom Summer" for the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), and later became the Vice-Chair of the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party, attending the 1964 Democratic National Convention in Atlantic City, New Jersey, in that capacity. Her plain-spoken manner and fervent belief in the Biblical righteousness of her cause gained her a reputation as an electrifying speaker and constant champion of civil rights.
In the summer of 1964, the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party, or "Freedom Democrats" for short, was organized with the purpose of challenging Mississippi's all-white and anti-civil rights delegation to the Democratic National Convention of that year as not representative of all Mississippians. Hamer was elected Vice-Chair.
The Freedom Democrats' efforts drew national attention to the plight of African-Americans in Mississippi, and represented a challenge to President Lyndon B. Johnson, who was seeking the Democratic Party's nomination for a second term; their success would mean that other Southern delegations, who were already leaning toward Republican challenger Barry Goldwater, would publicly break from the convention's decision to nominate Johnson — meaning in turn that he would almost certainly lose those states' electoral votes in the election. Hamer, singing her signature hymns, drew a great deal of attention from the media, enraging Johnson, who referred to her in speaking to his advisors as "that illiterate woman".
Hamer was invited, along with the rest of the MFDP officers, to address the Convention's Credentials Committee. She recounted the problems she had encountered in registration, and the ordeal of the jail in Winona, and, near tears, concluded:
"All of this is on account we want to register [sic], to become first-class citizens, and if the Freedom Democratic Party is not seated now, I question America. Is this America, the land of the free and the home of the brave where we have to sleep with our telephones off the hooks because our lives be threatened daily because we want to live as decent human beings - in America?"
In Washington, D.C., President Johnson called an emergency press conference in an effort to divert press coverage away from Hamer's testimony; but many television networks ran the speech unedited on their late news programs. The Credentials Committee received thousands of calls and letters in support of the Freedom Democrats.
Johnson then dispatched several trusted Democratic Party operatives to attempt to negotiate with the Freedom Democrats, including Senator Hubert Humphrey (who was campaigning for the Vice-Presidential nomination), Walter Mondale, Walter Reuther, and J. Edgar Hoover. They suggested a compromise which would give the MFDP two seats in exchange for other concessions, and secured the endorsement of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference for the plan. But when Humphrey outlined the compromise, saying that his position on the ticket was at stake, Hamer, invoking her Christian beliefs, sharply rebuked him:
"Do you mean to tell me that your position is more important than four hundred thousand black people's lives? Senator Humphrey, I know lots of people in Mississippi who have lost their jobs trying to register to vote. I had to leave the plantation where I worked in Sunflower County, Mississippi. Now if you lose this job of Vice-President because you do what is right, because you help the MFDP, everything will be all right. God will take care of you. But if you take [the nomination] this way, why, you will never be able to do any good for civil rights, for poor people, for peace, or any of those things you talk about. Senator Humphrey, I'm going to pray to Jesus for you."
It was in 1955 when Black college students in North Carolina began "sitting-in" at segregated lunch counters to peacefully protest an immoral and unjust system of racial apartheid, but why credit the people who gave their lives for the struggle when all credit is due to the great white father, in his ultimate, eternal benevolence, for finally deciding to recognize Black people as human beings? I wonder where he got that idea?
Johnson didn't change America. Johnson reacted in 1964 to the changes in America. For that he deserves some credit, but never mistake the man in the suit for the soldiers on the street. The difference is obvious: Johnson isn't the one whose life was ended by a sniper's bullet.
This is the
kind of revisionist history I expect from the most extreme white supremacists, and political opportunists.
This kind of careless discrediting of Black heroes and martyrs will have a decided effect on the Black vote in South Carolina. Between this and
Bill claiming Hillary is tougher than Nelson Mandela, has pretty much solidified the image that whatever happened in the 90s, Bill Clinton really thinks he was the first Black President and all those Black people marching in peaceful protest were really white people in black-face. It was Al Jolson, Charles Correll and Freeman Gosden, the original Amos and Andy.
With nomination contests in lily-white Iowa and New Hampshire settled, minority voting power now moves into the spotlight.
Historical realities suggest that Blacks and Hispanics won't play much of a role in determining the presidential nominees. But this year's Democratic primary and caucus schedule was designed specifically to give increased influence to minorities, particularly Latinos.
Voters in both groups are energized: Blacks by the early successes of Illinois Sen. Barack Obama, Latinos by the intense, sometimes xenophobic debate over immigration. But it's far from clear how those influences will play off each other.
Nevada's caucuses on Jan. 19 will give an early showcase of Hispanic voting.
When South Carolina Democrats hold their primary on Jan. 26—the state GOP contest is Jan. 19—the choices of substantial numbers of Black voters will be tallied for the first time in this election.
Obama's stunning victory over Hillary Rodham Clinton in the Iowa caucuses and strong second in New Hampshire's primary showed he could win white votes. But some say the South Carolina contest offers a new test of his viability: Can he energize Black voters in places where their numbers could help him win in November?
Race has played a key role in American politics for as long as there have been Democrats and Republicans.
In 1956, Republican Dwight D. Eisenhower was able to garner 39 percent of the Black vote, notes Donald Bositis, a senior research associate for the Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies, a Black think tank in Washington, D.C.
But with the rise of newly converted Republicans like Sen. Strom Thurmond and their efforts to thwart civil rights legislation, the GOP could manage only 6 percent of the Black vote in 1964.
"And that's when the change was over," says Bositis.
The historical association between the Democrats and the working class, coupled with the election of
John F. Kennedy as the first Roman Catholic president, accounts for the Latino affiliation with that party—Florida Cubans being the great exception. Democratic candidate Bill Richardson-Lopez, who cited JFK as one of his inspirations, showcased his Hispanic roots before he pulled out of the race Thursday.
"The vast majority of Hispanics were, are and remain working class," says Gary M. Segura, an associate professor of American politics at the University of Washington. "And so, not surprisingly, that means that they have economic interests which are historically more coincident with the Democratic Party than with the Republican Party."
According to the Pew Research Center, Hispanics are twice as likely to identify themselves as Democrat than Republican. For Blacks, it's 10 1/2 times.
"There is in the United States
a racial tone to the political parties," says Bernard N. Grofman, director of the Center for the Study of Democracy at the University of California, Irvine. It's
something "that nobody wants to talk about very much, because in some ways it's really very, very embarrassing."
Both minority groups lag behind whites in voter registration. The latest census figures indicate that while 71 percent of voting- eligible whites are registered, the rate drops to 61 percent among Blacks and 54 percent for Latinos.
The conventional wisdom has been that as the nation's population moves toward a minority majority, its political complexion will become more Democratic. Or, as Grofman puts it, the "browning of America will result in the bluing."
But in studying the South, Grofman—author of the voting-rights history "
Quiet Revolution in the South"—found a correlation between the percentage of a state's Black voting population and increases in white support for Republican candidates.
Grofman notes there have been small but measurable Latino shifts toward the GOP as Hispanic homeownership rates, conversions to evangelical Protestantism and generational distance from immigration increase. And since
many Latinos identify racially as white, he says we may see a "mimicking" of the electoral "white flight" from the Democratic Party he identified in the South.
A Hispanic-black divide is already showing in the nomination battle.
A California poll by the Field Research Corp. found Clinton's lead over Obama had dropped from 25 percentage points in October to just 14 points late last month. However, the same survey gave Clinton a 20- point lead among Latinos, who comprise 14 percent of voters there.
Segura's polling in Nevada showed heavy support for Clinton among likely Latino voters there, too.
The Democrats have been registering Latinos there by the thousands. The first two Fridays of each month, the Democratic party sets up voter-registration tables outside the federal court chamber in Las Vegas where new citizens are sworn in.
"We average about a hundred every Friday," says Andres Ramirez, Latino outreach coordinator for the state party. "From time to time, we'll get a thousand a week."
Latino registration rates in the state have risen from just 4 percent in 1996 to more than 10 percent. Given the "very anti-immigrant" stances taken by the state GOP, which adopted an English-only platform that would deny citizenship to U.S.-born children of illegals, Ramirez is confident that most of those political newcomers will be voting Democratic.
If Obama wins the Democratic nomination, Segura and others wonder what effect "black-brown competition" will have on the Latino vote this fall. Segura agrees with Grofman that it's dangerous to assume the two groups will complement each other at the ballot box.
"It's not clear that there would be a lot of enthusiasm for an African-American from a Latino electorate," he says.
Vanderbilt University Law School professor Carol M. Swain, author of "
Black Faces, Black Interests," is one African-American who won't be voting for Obama—nor, likely, for any Democrat. She says none of the party's candidates has articulated a position "that really takes into consideration the harm that's being done to working-class Americans" by competition from illegal immigrants.
She doesn't feel "that shared race is a strong enough position to support a candidate."
But experts say many Black voters may take the opposite tack when they cast ballots in South Carolina, where Blacks make up about half of the Democratic electorate.
Donald Aiesi, a political science professor at Furman University in Greenville, S.C., thinks turnout in the party primary there will be 4- to-1 Black.
And he predicts that "the race pull" will be strong—even though, he adds, "I don't think anybody's going to talk to a pollster or anybody else and say, `Well, with me it's ultimately the idea that my son or daughter could be elected.'"
Garrett, the mortician, says it's time to try something really new, and that's looking more and more like Obama.
"He's saying the things I want to hear," Garrett says. "I know he won't carry through all of them, but he'll carry through some of them. And it will be beneficial to our people."
Governor Bill Richardson-Lopez has dropped out of the Democratic contest. That leaves three. A Barack Obama-John Edwards ticket would be virtually unbeatable in the next election. Would John Edwards take the number 2 spot on a Democratic ticket for a second time?
For that matter, a John Edwards-Barack Obama ticket would be almost as strong. However, since Obama is running the strongest campaign, it would be more logical for him to lead the ticket.
That way, if for any reason, Obama could not serve out his full term, then Edwards would become President.
Don't think for a minute that the vice presidency is too trivial a post to contend for, however much a person may claim to spurn it. The average politician would kill for a chance at it. Serving four years in supremely comfortable surroundings while just
one heartbeat from the presidency is the ultimate dream job. For one thing, its sheer prominence laid the foundation for five vice presidents to go on to the presidency. And
the death of the president, through ill health, an assassin's bullet or resignation
put nine others in the Oval Office without even having to run for it. Added together, that's a third of America's presidents. So, who is running for President? And who is running for Vice-President?
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Labels: Black American Firsts